For some time now I have not read some encouraging article about the current political situation in the country. He could, too. The country is experiencing one of its most delicate political moments, wrapped in an unprecedented institutional, political and social crisis, aggravated by the militarization of the state apparatus, a combination that can become explosive, in an acute situation of managing this crisis. In recent weeks, we have discussed here the serious situation in which our democratic institutions are, pointing out their weaknesses. We knew, therefore, that the picture was serious, but this morning I read an article published by Piauí magazine in its March issue written by Celso Rocha de Barros, where he makes a rather pessimistic assessment of another indicator, the one that indicates the current stage of our authoritarian depression.
As we have already reported here, this authoritarian depression is something that appears on a global scale, as a crisis of liberal democracy in a more general way, with reflexes, of course, here in the country, as a rearrangement of the conservative forces. draws attention to the degree of authoritarian retreat faced by various countries, in this wave that sweeps the planet, also as a reflection of the arrangement of the capitalist economy or, more precisely, of its increasingly precarious relationship with the institutions of liberal democracy. On this scale, according to the good analysts of political science, the country had a grotesque setback, occupying the first place of the list, that is to say, it is the country where this authoritarian retrogression more evolved of that gallery, with indicators observed daily by the most insightful readers. One of the indicators pointed out in the text - with our endorsement - is the absolute disrespect for the positions of the international organisms on what happens in the country.
This may be explained by our permanent stage of democratic vulnerability, as discussed in previous editorials. Our democracy was never consolidated, it was always of low intensity, for the reasons indicated there. There is talk today of possible political pacts or solutions that could represent a safeguard against the residual remains of this autocratic tsunami that began there in 2013, culminating in the institutional coup of 2016. As I report at the beginning of this editorial, they are alvissareiras, which contributes to further aggravate the social crisis. This time without the political buffers, which would allow the rulers to emerge from the inertia, from the administrative paralysis provoked by the difficulties of negotiations with the parliament, in an environment of non ideal governance - with coalition presidentialism this would be unlikely - but possible.
Good news, readers, despite the delicate moment, is that I perceive that there are some spaces where social analysts are looking at these neuralgic themes, assuming more consistent positions, such as pointing out the mistakes and successes of previous governments, such as the the Pact's coalition government and the Tucan era. Toucans, as Celso Rocha de Barros observed in this same article, have democratized the PFL, a political group fattened in the throes of the dictatorship established in the country with the civil-military coup of 1964. These were institutional arrangements that, governance, and somehow interdicted authoritarian harassment and shocks in the conduct of economic policy by keeping the inflationary process under control. A big gain, let's face it. Today, the Toucans moved away from the game, practically handing the caption to a political actor identified with the status quo of the group that took power, the governor of São Paulo, João Dória Júnior.
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