Publisher: Paths (deviations?) of the Works Party

As election day approaches for the Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, the indispositions between the current president of that House, Rodrigo Maia (DEM-RJ), and the President of the Republic, Jair Bolsonaro (Without Party), increase. As is well known, both support different candidacies, which partly explains these indispositions, which, in reality, have been occurring for a long time, with sporadic armistices, washed down with canapés, whose flavors are soon forgotten, since they are unable to demote seemingly irreconcilable political divergences. Our political field goes through one of the most delicate moments, inducing agreements and alliances previously unusual, such as the circumstantial and temporary support of the PT to the candidate presented by Rodrigo Maia, Baleia Rossi (MDB-SP). Both Democrats and emedebists were directly involved in the political weavings that culminated in the removal of former President Dilma Rousseff (PT), in a nebulous and unconstitutional plot, only now revealed in its entirety by the ex-congressman Eduardo Cunha's book bomb. .

These revelations sparked even more the spark of revulsion among those PT members who never agreed with this alliance, even in the face of a controversial political scenario like this, where representative democracy itself is at serious risk. And speaking of the Workers' Party, two facts have caught our attention in recent days. The farewell article of the ex-minister of Education, Fernando Haddad (PT-SP), communicating his decision and explanation of reasons for not collaborating with the Folha de São Paulo newspaper, as well as a possible statement by the former ex-minister of Justice , Tarso Genro (PT), stunned, suggesting that the PT should be closer to none other than the São Paulo governor, João Dória Junior (PSDB-SP), aiming at the 2022 elections. capable of producing a homogeneous mixture of water and oil, given the circumstances that arise. The reason for Haddad's departure from his position as a collaborator for the São Paulo newspaper was motivated by an editorial in that newspaper, which implies that his concern with the extinction of the legal imbroglios that involve former President Lula, in reality, would be related to his own viability as a candidate for the 2022 presidential election. Haddad would be a kind of Lula post.

I have been following the trajectory of the São Paulo politician for some time and, in essence, I disagree with much of the editorial. In fact, there is a kind of political pact between Lula and Fernando Haddad (PT-SP), which even creates some problems for the party in other places, as well as preventing the viability of the emergence of new leaders to present themselves to the electorate. as party representatives, as is the case, for example, of Camilo Santana (PT-CE), governor of Ceará, who is packed to leave the caption, co-opted by the PSB as a possible alternative to the presidential elections of 2022. The party's National Executive would never ratify her candidacy. Camilo Santana knows this. We know that. Haddad is a kind of "menudo" of Lula, that is, the offspring of a generation of (new?) Leaders that the ex-president tried to form after the debacle of the political exhaustion of the old comrades, during the PT governments in Brasília. Among these menudos, I believe, the only one who remains active is still Professor Fernando Haddad. There is, in fact, a canine fidelity or a debt of gratitude from Haddad to former President Lula, something that cannot be interpreted solely as an electoral purpose. There are other feelings at play and, in this respect, the São Paulo newspaper's editorial was unhappy.

In reality, the newspaper made not one, but two mistakes in relation to the former minister. Haddad was one of the best ministers of education in Brazil in recent years, responsible for the pool of entry of poor and black youth to higher education, a true revolution in Brazilian education, as we have already emphasized in other editorials. In another article in the newspaper, when addressing this substantive advance in our education, the journalist hides the fact that this credit should be given to the governments of the PT coalition, generally treating this period as a "decade", as if public policies and specific political actors were not behind these achievements. And, in this case, the credits also needed to be given to the ex-minister of the Lula government, Fernando Haddad, as well as to other names of the Petista Coalition Government, who, through systematic and articulated public policies, achieved this feat for substantive democracy in the country. This is the only indicator that has improved in relation to the black race in the last 520 years.